Bridging Theory and Practice Since 1974

Category: Economic Development (Page 2 of 5)

Understanding Urbanization and Globalization in Shenzhen, China

By Heyne Kim

In the most literal sense, the term Global South indicates countries situated south of the Equator. In practice, however, it encompasses emerging and developing economies in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and Oceania, regardless of their geographic location relative to the Equator. Despite the discrepancy in its literal reading and underlying definition, the term has become synonymous with youth, energy, hope and excitement. Many of the fastest growing cities are found in the Global South today, which are “overflowing with opportunities.”[i] Already in 2011, the World Bank highlighted that Dubai, Shanghai, and Sao Paulo are fulfilling the role that Tokyo, London, and New York had assumed in the last century.[ii]

While countries and cities in the Global South share many traits, they differ widely in cultures, socioeconomic structures, and political systems. Scholars have suggested various interpretations of urbanization and globalization in the Global South, focusing on a specific city, region, or country to contextualize the experience, but not all have been successful at painting a full picture of development across time and space. For example, the success of Shenzhen is frequently discussed in economic terms while other non-economic elements are not highlighted as much. Indeed, Shenzhen’s urbanization and globalization are as much political and cultural phenomena as they are economic.

Within a mere span of 40 years, Shenzhen transformed from a tiny fishing village of 30,000 people to a manufacturing hub and subsequently to a center of the high-tech industry. The Garden City, as it is affectionately called, is home to 11 million people and constitutes the world’s largest continuously urbanized area.[iii] It is one of the world’s 123 largest metro areas and an Emerging Gateway, places that “…serve as the business, transportation, and oftentimes political centers of their respective countries.”[iv]

Luohu District, Shenzhen

Shenzhen’s remarkable progress toward urbanization and globalization is undeniably a result of Deng Xiaoping’s economic liberalization in 1979. One of the first Special Economic Zones in China, Shenzhen promoted features that were attractive to businesses and foreign direct investments, such as: competitive corporate tax holidays; low-cost land, services, and labor; lax labor regulations; zero or low tariffs on certain goods; simplified entry and exit procedures; and easy access to the domestic market and inputs.[v] Bordering Hong Kong to the South, Shenzhen also benefitted from evolving conditions in Hong Kong during the 1980s and 1990s, where rising rents and labor costs prompted many manufacturing businesses to relocate. The share of manufacturing in Shenzhen’s GDP grew from 26 percent to 53.2 percent between 1980 and 2005.[vi]

With the services sector gradually replacing the manufacturing sector, Shenzhen is now repositioning itself as the “Silicon Valley of China.” The city, which is home to numerous Chinese technology giants—notably Huawei and Tencent—produces 90 percent of the world’s electronics and caters to a growing number of high-tech startups.[vii][viii] As a result, the share of the services sector in Shenzhen has grown from 46 percent in 2005 to 58 percent in 2018.[ix][x] Overall, Shenzhen’s nominal GDP grew more than 12,000 times between 1979 and 2018, from 0.196 billion RMB to 2,422.198 billion RMB.[xi]

Besides economic liberalization, political conditions in the region and across China were in Shenzhen’s favor. Urbanization in China has picked up a tone of inevitability since the Central Urbanization Work Conference in 2013, where the Chinese leadership likened urbanization to “the road China must take in its modernization drive.”[xii] Support for the growth of Shenzhen was part of the central government’s grand strategy to uplift the economy and society of China nationwide.[xiii] Moreover, the relative lack of government oversight from Beijing allowed the municipal government to create an environment favorable to the high-tech industry. In 1992, the central government and the Communist Party of China granted the City of Shenzhen the authority to write their own policies and laws.[xiv] This gave the municipal government significant leverage to introduce laws and regulations that incentivized high-tech firms to locate in Shenzhen. As part of this initiative, the City reformed its household registration system (hùkǒu) under the 2014 National New Urbanization Plan: depending on the extent of educational attainment and work experience, people from outside of Shenzhen were now eligible for residency permits and housing subsidies.[xv] In 2016 alone the City of Shenzhen issued 1.71 million permits.[xvi]

Shenzhen’s success is an indication of the growing political instability in Hong Kong, where the demand for full democracy has been escalating since the transfer of its sovereignty in 1997. The diminishing role of Hong Kong in China’s economy is evident in its share of China’s GDP, which has shrunk from 20 percent to less than three percent since 1997.[xvii] Beijing’s preference for Shenzhen became clear in August 2019 when the Central Committee for Deep and Comprehensive Reforms (Zhōngyāng Quánmiàn Shēnhuà Gǎigé Wěiyuánhuì) gave Shenzhen special rights to carry out reforms and reify the socialist model with Chinese characteristics. The government envisions Shenzhen becoming a leader in the global economy and providing top-notch welfare.[xviii] Given the political support, Shenzhen is expected to not only outperform Hong Kong, but is poised to become a global city comparable to Tokyo, London, and New York.

Lastly, while local history and culture had little impact on shaping urbanization and globalization in Shenzhen, the city has increasingly invested in building its cultural capital. Before 1979, Shenzhen was known as the place where the term “generic city” originated.[xix] Once people from all over China migrated to Shenzhen and settled in, diverse and innovative thinking have set in and come to define the culture of modern-day Shenzhen. Dafen, a suburb of Shenzhen, is one such example of agglomeration: artists from all over China and abroad flocked to Dafen in the late 1980s and engaged in oil painting production, which led to the establishment of Dafen Oil Painting Village, the largest oil painting producer in the world. Once a hotspot of the fake art business, Dafen has evolved into a creative haven for artists to develop their own style and brand.[xx] It is now part of the creative clusters in Shenzhen through which the city reinforces the pioneering spirit across the municipality.[xxi]

Dafen Oil Painting Village

For much of the past century, urbanization and globalization in the Global South have been emblematic of colonial legacies. Many of the large cities found in the Global South are previously colonial cities that served as trading posts and administrative capitals for resource extraction and control of the indigenous population. In contrast, Shenzhen had no such history when it was first designated a Special Economic Zone. At the time, China was struggling with the widespread poverty produced by the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution. Successful policy implementation, evolving political dynamics between Beijing and the Pearl River Delta, and cultural agglomeration have however changed the course of Shenzhen’s future.

Shenzhen’s path to success is multifaceted and may not be easy to replicate elsewhere. While not discussed extensively, the lived experience of locals and migrants is also likely to vary widely, given how top-down policies often fail to reach all levels of society, leaving out the most marginalized and distressed. Although parity concerns remain, Shenzhen is a great inspiration for the Global South. With a bold vision, strong leadership, and a stroke of fortune, perhaps one day other cities in the Global South will be liberated from their colonial pasts and rise to become leaders in the global economy.

About the Author:

Heyne J. Kim is a candidate for the Master of City and Regional Planning at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Prior to joining the program, she worked as a Coordinator for International Relations in southeastern Japan, promoting multiculturalism to Japanese citizens and foreign residents. 

References

[i] Goldman, M. (2015). “Development and the City.” Cities of the Global South Reader. Franak Miraftab and Federic Stout (Eds.). New York, NY: Routledge. 5th edition.
[ii] Ibid.
[iii] Sala, I. (2016, May 10). Story of cities #39: Shenzhen – from rural village to the world’s largest megalopolis. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2016/may/10/story-of-cities-39-shenzhen-from-rural-village-to-the-worlds-largest-megalopolis
[iv] Trujillo, J. and Parilla, J. (2016). Redefining Global Cities: The Seven Types of Global Metro Economies. Brookings. Retrieved from https://www.brookings.edu/research/redefining-global-cities/.
[v] Lockett, M. (1987). China’s Special Economic Zones: The Cultural and Managerial Challenges. Journal of General Management. 12(3), 21-31. Retrieved from https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/030630708701200302
[vi] Huang, Y. and Bocchi, A. Reshaping Economic Geography in East Asia. Washington, DC: World Bank Publications. Retrieved from https://www.google.com/books/edition/Reshaping_Economic_Geography_in_East_Asi/tOAITgWbNLEC?hl=en&gbpv=0
[vii] Harris, B. (2017, Nov 9). The astonishing rise of Shenzhen, China’s gadget capital. World Economic Forum. Retrieved from https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/11/inside-shenzhen-china-s-gadget-capital/
[viii] Whitwell, T. (2014, June 13). Inside Shenzhen: China’s Silicon Valley. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2014/jun/13/inside-shenzen-china-silicon-valley-tech-nirvana-pearl-river
[ix] Huang, Y. and Bocchi, A. Reshaping Economic Geography in East Asia.
[x] Shenzhen (Guangdong) City Information. (2019, May 16). HKTDC Research. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2AQiTy3
[xi] China CN: GDP: Guangdong: Shenzhen. (n.d.). CEIC. Data. Retrieved from https://www.ceicdata.com/en/china/gross-domestic-product-prefecture-level-city/cn-gdp-guangdong-shenzhen
[xii] Sala, I. (2016, May 10). Story of cities #39: Shenzhen
[xiii] Kurry, A. (2012). Case Study: Shenzhen’s tale of “success” [Blog post]. Retrieved from https://eportfolios.macaulay.cuny.edu/akurry/2012/05/20/case-study-on-the-effects-of-rapid-growth-shenzhens-tale-of-success/
[xiv] Wang, M. and Meng, X. (2003). “Building nests to attracts birds”: China’s hi-tech zones and their impacts on transition from low-skill to high-value added process. 15th Annual Conference of the ACESA. Retrieved from http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.196.6091&rep=rep1&type=pdf
[xv] Arellano, G. (2019). 2014 New Urbanization Plan: What prograss has been made in Chinese cities towards implementing hukou reforms? (Master’s thesis). Retrieved from https://csub-dspace.calstate.edu/bitstream/handle/10211.3/210056/ArrellanoG_PPA_sp2019.pdf?sequence=1
[xvi] Sheehan, S. (2017, Feb 22). China’s Hukou Reforms and the Urbanization Challenge. The Diplomat. Retrieved from https://thediplomat.com/2017/02/chinas-hukou-reforms-and-the-urbanization-challenge/
[xvii] Schlesinger, D. (2019, Aug 27). Can China’s Government Replace Hong Kong? ChinaFile. Retrieved from http://www.chinafile.com/conversation/can-chinas-government-replace-hong-kong
[xviii] China plans to make Shenzhen a ‘better place’ than Hong Kong. (2019, Aug 20). The Strait Times. Retrieved from https://www.straitstimes.com/asia/east-asia/china-plans-to-make-shenzhen-a-better-place-than-hong-kong
[xix] Sala, I. (2016, May 10). Story of cities #39:
[xx] Zhou, H. (2014). Redevelopment of Urban Village in Shenzhen.
[xxi] Lintu, M. (2012, Sept 17). Shenzhen: culture on the rise. GBTimes. Retrieved from https://gbtimes.com/shenzhen-culture-on-the-rise

Photo Credits

Shenzhen City Center (lead photo): Sparktour [CC BY-SA (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0)]
Luohu District, Shenzhen: “hdr6-2” by trey.menefee is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0
Dafen Oil Painting Village: “04500037” by skha818 is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

DCRP Master’s Project Preview

UNC’s top-ranked master’s program is designed to successfully prepare students for professional planning practice. A central component of the curriculum is a final capstone project, an ‘MP,’ which provides an opportunity for students to apply the skills and knowledge they’ve developed in the classroom and demonstrate their readiness for practice. But the MP is also a space for students to engage with pressing social and institutional challenges that affect real-world communities.

Current second-years Kaitlin Heatwole and Paul Liu are both working on projects with real-world applications in underserved communities. A preview of their MPs illustrates the breadth of research being done at UNC and the ways in which the DCRP program aims to develop planners that are both successful and socially-engaged.


Transportation Disadvantage of Refugees in the Research Triangle of North Carolina (Kaitlin Heatwole)

Building on transportation equity research that was conducted with refugees in Vermont (Bose 2014) and Ontario (Farber et al 2018), I’m surveying refugees who have settled in the Research Triangle to learn more about how they get around. Specifically, I’m interested in modes of travel, travel times, and barriers they face to access work, school, groceries, child care, healthcare, social connections, and other destinations. Results of this multi-lingual survey will identify patterns of refugees’ travel behaviors and recommend steps that public transit, housing, and other service agencies can take to meet the transportation, housing, and employment needs of this group.

Retiree In-Migration and Low-Wage Job Growth (Paul Liu)

In many areas of the U.S., the number of seniors and retirees is growing relative to other age cohorts. This demographic shift can have wide-ranging implications on regional labor markets and economic development more broadly. Because retirees do not participate in the labor force but still demand goods and services, some have argued that retirees’ consumption patterns drive demand for low-wage and part-time labor. However, up-to-date research on the effect of retiree spending habits on regional labor markets is surprisingly limited. To fill this gap, I am developing an econometric analysis using publicly available data to determine whether there is, in fact, a causal relationship between retiree in-migration and the number of low-wage jobs. These results will provide a valuable and much-needed understanding of the relationship between retiree in-migration and regional job quality.

The Untold Story of Amazon’s Arrival to Hudson Yards

By Brandon Tubby

In March 2019, an assortment of politicians, businessmen, and architects gathered in Manhattan’s Far West Side to celebrate the grand opening of Hudson Yards, New York’s newest neighborhood. The city’s mayor, Bill de Blasio, though, was notably absent. Make no mistake – the event was certainly worthy of mayoral attention. With its soaring towers, expertly-engineered 26-acre platform, and $25 billion price tag, the development of Hudson Yards has been dubbed the largest private real estate project in U.S. history. As such, Mayor de Blasio’s decision to forgo the event was peculiar. An aide for de Blasio claimed that the Mayor couldn’t fit the event into his schedule, although other high-profile politicians like Senator Chuck Schumer carved out time to attend and deliver a speech. But in the wake of the Amazon HQ2 fall-out, his absence quietly underscores a growing philosophical predicament for progressives as to what is ‘good’ economic development.

The HQ2 Dilemma

Just one month before the grand opening of Hudson Yards, Mayor de Blasio penned an op-ed in the New York Times scorching Amazon for abruptly pulling out of an agreement to locate its second headquarters (HQ2) in Queens, taking with it promises of over 25,000 jobs. De Blasio attributed local political opposition against HQ2 to growing frustration with flagrant corporate greed and increasing wealth inequality, as the deal with Amazon had included nearly $3 billion in financial assistance from the city and the state.

The endowing of taxpayer money to Amazon raised important questions over how public dollars should be spent. It also ignited a debate among progressives resistant to subsidizing massive corporations but still eager to champion economic development, foster job creation, and bring in cutting-edge industries. So when the news broke that Amazon was quietly bringing over 1,500 jobs to the Hudson Yards neighborhood in December 2019, just months after the HQ2 fall-out, progressives opposed to the original deal felt validated.

Representative Ocasio-Cortez was among progressives opposed to the original HQ2 deal who celebrated Amazon’s move to Hudson Yards (via Twitter).
Behind the Curtain

The real story of Amazon’s new New York office, though, is not so simple. The sleek neighborhood would itself not exist without lenient tax policies and significant financial assistance from the city and state of New York. The Hudson Yards project caught momentum post-9/11, as the administration of Mayor Michael Bloomberg sought to create a state-of-the-art mixed-use district to increase the city’s supply of both high-end office space and housing. The Bloomberg administration also felt that connecting the development to public transit was a necessity for the neighborhood’s vitality. However, the Far West Side had no subway or train station at the time; thus, building an extension of the number 7 subway line became imperative. One problem: the subway extension came with $2 billion price tag. Anyone familiar with the state of the Metropolitan Transit Authority’s financials knew that the subway project would take years of capital planning and lobbying before ever receiving the green light.

So, in an unusual maneuver in New York City economic policy, the Bloomberg administration proposed paying for the entire subway project through tax increment financing (TIF), a public financing method which calls upon future tax revenue generated by a development to fund associated development costs. In 2007, the city authorized the issuance of $2 billion in bonds to raise capital for the subway extension, wagering that future tax revenue captured from Hudson Yards would generate enough money to pay back their debts. Essentially, the Bloomberg administration put the city on the line for Hudson Yards in an unprecedented fashion.

The Newly Opened 34-Street Hudson Yards Subway Station (via Curbed New York)

For the funding scheme to succeed, the city needed Hudson Yards properties to quickly generate tax revenue. The Hudson Yards Financing District (HYFD) was mapped out along the Far West Side to designate which sites would have their property tax revenue directed towards fulfilling the city’s bond obligations. Crucially, property tax discounts – 25% for 15 years compared to the average Midtown tax bill per square foot – were also offered to developers to swiftly attract tenants. Amazon’s new office, along with new offices for JPMorgan, Blackrock, and L’Oreal, all opened within the boundaries of the HYFD and are, thus, eligible for a substantial tax discount.

Despite these tax incentives, an analysis done by The New School showed that revenue gains fell gravely short of projections, partially due to the economic uncertainty posed by the Great Recession. The city expected to contribute $7.4 million from 2007 to 2015 to make up for the potential revenue mismatch between property tax revenue and debt payments, but ended up spending 40 times more – a whopping total of $359 million. Many see TIF as a “self-financing” funding mechanism, but it proved to be anything but for New York taxpayers. In terms of job creation and economic development, many of the commercial tenants in Hudson Yards simply relocated from other parts of the city due to the generous tax breaks made available. Clearly, the full story of Amazon’s move to Hudson Yards and the financing scheme that made the move possible, reflects the complex, sometimes shady, relationship between government and the world’s wealthiest corporations.

Left, New York City Bill de Blasio and right, state Governor Andrew Cuomo (via Spencer Platt/Getty Images and New York Observer)
An “Unexplained” Absence?

Some politicians like Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez celebrated how Amazon, in the aftermath of the HQ2 fall-out, quietly moved to New York, seemingly without public financing and tax-breaks. But, as the overseer of the city’s debt obligations, Mayor de Blasio better grasped the full story. He sees how the city’s financials are now intricately tied to the success of the luxury Hudson Yards neighborhood. He was aware of the complex subsidy schemes, financial loopholes, and tax incentives that made Hudson Yards, including Amazon’s new offices there, possible. So he understood well the optics of celebrating the project’s opening. Hudson Yards is, in fact, the antithesis of what progressives like de Blasio believe urban development should look like: exclusive, gaudy, and subsidy-heavy. But the realization of the project under his administration (though the vision for Hudson Yards is unmistakably a product of the Bloomberg era) reflects the challenges facing the city today as it strives to balance economic development with what is best for residents, economically, socially, and culturally. It epitomizes New York’s ongoing tilt towards private gain over inclusive urban design and underscores how cities are increasingly boxed-in by superagency hegemonies and corporations like Amazon.

In light of these challenges, what de Blasio and future mayoral administrations can, and must, do is sit out of bidding (and building) wars and instead focus on investments in affordable housing, green-collar job creation, education, and infrastructure. In the short-run, there may be no star-studded ribbon cutting ceremonies or sleek new skyscrapers on the skyline. But, in the long-run, they will help create a more resilient, economically just, and inclusive New York for the benefit of all. Hopefully de Blasio understood this when he missed the Hudson Yards grand opening. Perhaps, in fact, the Mayor’s absence was not so peculiar at all.

Feature Image: Hudson Yards New York Press Images

References:

AP Archive. 15 March 2019. $25 billion NYC Hudson Yards development opens. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jW1rUjgiWE8

Barro, Josh. 13 November 2018. Here’s Why New York Is Resorting to Paying Amazon $3 Billion for What Google Will Do for Free. NY Mag. http://nymag.com/intelligencer/2018/11/why-new-york-is-paying-amazon-usd3-billion.html

de Blasio, Bill. 16 February 2019. The Path Amazon Rejected. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/16/opinion/amazon-new-york-bill-de-blasio.html?smtyp=cur&smid=tw-nytimes

Feiner, Lauren. 9 December 2019. Amazon will open a new office in New York, less than a year after dropping plans for HQ2. CNBC. https://www.cnbc.com/2019/12/09/amazon-to-lease-space-in-manhattan-less-than-a-year-after-hq2-fallout.html

Fisher, Bridget and Flávia Leite. 2018. The Cost of New York City’s Hudson Yards Redevelopment Project. The New School. https://www.economicpolicyresearch.org/images/docs/research/political_economy/Cost_of_Hudson_Yards_WP_11.5.18.pdf

Ghaffary, Shirin. 30 January 2019. Amazon’s HQ2 was supposed to be a win for New York City. Instead it has become a huge political battle. VOX. https://www.vox.com/2019/1/30/18202825/amazon-hq2-new-york-city-political-battle-de-blasio-queens

Urban, Rob; Levitt, David; and Christopher Cannon 14 May 2018. Wall Street Is Moving, and It’s Reshaping New York. Bloomberg. https://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2018-manhattan-office-migrations/?srnd=real-estate-and-home


About the Author: Brandon Tubby is a senior undergraduate at UNC-Chapel Hill majoring in public policy with a minor in urban studies and planning. Brandon competes for the Tar Heels as a distance runner on the varsity cross country and track teams, specializing in the mile.

Interaction with Memory: Preserving the Past While Embracing Change

“The process of planning is very valuable, for forcing you to think hard about what you are doing, but the actual plan that results from it is probably useless.” – Marc Andreessen

“Who controls the past controls the future; who controls the present controls the past.” – 1984, George Orwell


Cities not only represent the future but also have the responsibility to preserve their past. This summer, while exploring ancient monuments and historic sites in India, I also read about modern and newly constructed memorials all around the world representing various incidents of significance including the war in the Middle East and the world’s first memorial for a melted glacier in Iceland. Most cities today are rapidly growing without taking into account their history and character. In many cases, city planners do not acknowledge monuments or memorials as integral parameters in long-range planning. Hyderabad in India is one such example. I have been lost in this city numerous times, both alone and accompanied, and always end up with the same experience: the streets seem to fold onto me suddenly and every single corner I turn to seems familiar and surrounded with history while simultaneously having high towers that rise from nowhere. I have wondered how my city reinvented itself around me all these years.

siri photo 1

Qutb Shahi Tombs, Hyderabad    Photo Credit: Siri Nallaparaju

 

As professionals, we think of urban planning as a two-dimensional subject that consists of “space” and “utility” or in generic planning terms, “land” and “use”. I, however, have recently discovered that there is a third dimension: human behavior. Planning, today, has the need to influence a certain human behavior. This instinctive behavior needs to be captured through design and should be channeled into being a monitored definitive movement. It need not be something that is momentarily influenced but as a continuous loop that is structured by a fixed dimension, such as space. While we do look into physical aspects of design, the question of ‘who’ gets influenced by the design arises. Various themes revolving around concepts of inclusivity, gender specificity, and even neutral cities have risen. However, with a continuous growing circular economy, there is a need for cities to cater to global interaction unlike traditional beliefs of modern followers of the Bauhaus. One such aspect is the concept of memorials and monuments and how these spaces symbolize the value of freedom of expression as well as introduce a sense of belonging. 

Planning theory states that cities, in order to grow, need to be established from a specific focal point. An alternate theory comes to mind: what if they need to be established based on human behavior and certain incidents that play a vital role in the growth and well-being of the citizens? Planning in ancient India was evident through the great Indus Valley civilization where spaces were designed based on social behavior. Similarly, in the Western world, Paris was built with the Notre Dame as its center and the preliminary road network nodes forming a star shape. Likewise, temple cities in India such as Madurai and Thanjavur grew from the focal point of temples. 

While eminent journalists such as Jacobs, Geddes, Mumford, and others focused on physical and materialistic aspects of planning, Henri Lefebvre focused on people’s expression.  He adopted the techniques of these ancient cities and civilizations, understood their importance and mirrored them to reflect today’s cities. In ancient planning, non-market values, such as civic responsibility, were resources for planning as a purely societal tool. In an era where planning is dominated by slum rehabilitation in Mumbai or massive structures such as The Vessel of the Hudson Yards in Manhattan, where urban revival and affordability are the most sought after problems, the necessity of protecting the sense of character and history of a city is secondary. 

However, in his book Production of Space, Lefebvre focused on specific elements of urban design that help build a city for the future as well as preserve it. Whether it’s the valley of Kanchanaburi in Thailand with its never-ending Hellfire Pass, the long-forgotten Tombs of the Qutb Shahi rulers of India or even the National 9/11 Memorial that’s surrounded by Manhattan’s dense urban fabric, these memorials are a symbol of a relationship of an eternal memory surrounded by a city that is constantly changing and developing. With developing countries having rapid urbanization rates, their heritage is at risk unless Planning takes it into account as a necessary parameter. 

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New York City, 9/11 Memorial. Photo Credit: vikwaters, Creative Commons. 

While Lefebvre’s analysis and perception of cities are noteworthy, what was staggeringly profound was his description of the advancement of technology and its inability to change social relationships as well as the relationship between people and memory in a positive manner. Citizens will one day need these spaces to escape the monotonous cacophony of urban lifestyle, he says. Today, Space is defined as something quantitative in a financial district while it can be analyzed as a more qualitative and pure aspect in reference to a memorial. We are now stuck in a circle where development overruns bring to light more issues such as agglomeration, lack of urban services, etc. Furthermore, modern capitalism has strengthened the value of place arousing a longing for a specific community which thus, led to the concept of community planning. 

While acknowledging the success of many cities in achieving planned growth, it is perhaps the intangible aspects of personal and public spaces, as Lefebvre mentioned, that bring the symbolic eternity into focus while being surrounded by a heavy, dense yet mundane environment. With New York City working on its first-ever master plan for public memorials, it is important for planners to decide whether to lock down areas today for a future where commemorative planning can remain open to various themes and forms of remembrance that are yet to be imagined or even accepted. 

In a busy world such as ours, humans need the sanctity that these memorials and monuments offer, a true space with sentimental purpose while bringing about collective identity. Memorials and monuments act as spaces for engagement and interaction which makes cities more efficient and inclusive not of gender, race or creed but of thoughts and opinions.

About the Author: Siri Nallaparaju is a second year Master’s candidate in the Department of City and Regional Planning at UNC-Chapel Hill. Her research interests mainly focus on global climate change, international development, and environmental degradation. As a planner, she is interested in bringing about a positive change in the world through sustainable development. In her free time, she enjoys cooking and experimenting with various cuisines of food while simultaneously trying to solve all the planning questions that constantly revolve in her head.

Featured Image: Evening Kites, Hyderabad, India. Photo Credit: Frank Starmer

Citations:

Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, Wiley-Blackwell; 1992

Henri Lefebvre, The Critique of Everyday Life, Verso, 1991

Knapp M L, Nonverbal Communication in Human Interaction, Rinehart & Winston, Holt, New York, 1978

Lewis Mumford, “What is a City,” (first published in Architectural Record, 1937) The City Reader, (Fifth Edition) Richard T. Le Gates and Frederic Stout, (London and New York: Routledge, 2011), pp. 91-95

How Immigrants Can Revitalize Rural Communities

For much of its history, Siler City, North Carolina was mostly white; now, due to jobs in poultry processing, the town is 40% Latinx. Driving through downtown, the demographic change is marked by the tiendas, beauty salons, and evangelical churches with signs en español that line the streets. Like many towns across the state, Siler City suffered when the furniture and textile industries moved elsewhere. Though the poultry processing plants remained, the workforce changed as native-born workers no longer wanted low-paying, dangerous jobs.1 Immigrants not only filled job shortages at the poultry plant and storefronts downtown: this new population also brought new life to a dying industrial town.

Siler City is not an isolated example. Across the South and Midwest, rural communities are experiencing an influx of Latinxs in search of economic opportunity. Latinxs accounted for more than half of the rural population gain in this decade.2 Initially drawn to work in agriculture or meat processing, many choose to settle in these places, some opening small businesses. In fact, immigrants are twice as likely to start businesses as their native-born counterparts.3 These businesses contribute to economic development and community building in a number of ways including paying taxes, creating jobs, reducing commercial vacancy downtown, and providing spaces for cultural interaction.4 Often, they are launched without technical assistance or formal loans which demonstrate entrepreneurs’ resourcefulness and tenacity but also highlights the need for more institutionalized support.

Providing support for Latinx entrepreneurship can be a promising strategy for economic development in rural communities; however, this approach requires an understanding of the unique barriers and needs of Latinx entrepreneurs. Latinxs are more likely to finance their businesses with personal savings or informal loans from families and friends and are less likely to seek loans from financial institutions.5 Due to language or cultural barriers, they may not be able to access technical assistance or understand the processes for starting a business. To effectively engage Latinx business owners, local institutions will need to develop greater cultural competency as well as more targeted and inclusive approaches to outreach.

siler_city

Mural in Downtown Siler City. Mural and Photo Credit: JR Butler, Siler City Mural Society. 

Some organizations and institutions have already begun integrating these concepts into their programs. The Iowa State University Extension and Outreach office, for example, has a dedicated facilitator who works closely with Latinx business owners to navigate the start-up process and facilitate community forums with existing residents.6 The office also created “A Citizen’s Guide for Change” that offers lessons from four Iowa communities that have experienced an influx of Latinx immigrants. More and more, communities are recognizing the existing contributions and untapped potential of immigrants.

Efforts are already underway in Siler City, North Carolina to better integrate Latinxs and leverage their potential for entrepreneurship. In 2017, Siler City underwent a multi-year community planning process to identify issues affecting the immigrant population and generate public policies. Part of the Building Integrated Communities Program at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, the process involved a community assessment and a series of stakeholder workshops. Over 75 residents representing a diverse sample of immigrants in Chatham County participated, along with town officials and service providers. As a result of these workshops, town officials and service providers have a better sense of what immigrants need and how they can support integration.7 In the next year, the town will work toward implementing aspects of the Building Integrated Communities action plan, including having the planning department visit existing Latinx businesses and hosting a starting a business seminar in Spanish.

The extent to which rural communities adapt to change or welcome newcomers could potentially determine their future. At a time when decline and despair are the dominant narratives of rural America, Latinx immigrants are a source of renewal and hope. By welcoming diversity, small towns can demonstrate to the rest of the country how to embrace inclusiveness and collaborate as a community.

About the Author: Lucia Constantine is a recent graduate of DCRP, interested in immigrant integration and inclusive economic development. Prior to coming to UNC, Lucia worked in higher education and nonprofits. She lives in Durham and enjoys taking her dog to the Eno.

Featured image: A family from Siler City enjoying the playground. Photo credit: Siler City, http://www.silercity.org/

  1. Alexander, C. S. (2012). Explaining Peripheral Labor * A Poultry Industry Case Study. Berkeley Journal of Employment and Labor Law, 33(2), 353–399.
  2. Johnson, K. M. (2012). Rural Demographic Change in the New Century. Carsey Institute, Winter(44), 1–12.
  3. Fairlie, R. (2012). Open for business: How Immigrants Are Driving Small Business Creation in the United States.
  4. Mathema, S., Svajlenka, N. P., & Hermann, A. (2018). Revival and Opportunity Immigrants in Rural America.
  5. Bates, T., & Robb, A. (2015). Impacts of Owner Race and Geographic Context on Access to Small-Business Financing. Economic Development Quarterly, 30 (2), 159–170.https://doi.org/10.1177/0891242415620484
  6. McDaniel, P. (2014). Revitalization in the Heartland of America: Welcoming Immigrant Entrepreneurs for Economic Development.
  7. The Latino Migration Project. (2019) Building Integrated Communities in Siler City: Action Plan for Immigrant Integration.

Why Planners Should Study Finance

In 2016, Oregon planners hoped to take advantage of a new light-rail line between Portland and Gresham, a suburban city towards the east, by developing a mixed-use community around Gresham’s rail station. The project would be a walkable transit-hub in a city otherwise dominated by single-family homes and automobiles. But Metro – Portland’s regional government that purchased the land – faced a problem. Nearly all developers rely on loans to pay the costs of construction, and very rarely have enough cash on hand to finance projects themselves. And lenders in Portland were unwilling to finance a transit-oriented development that would be the first of its kind in the region.

This issue is part of a larger pattern that prioritizes existing models of car-based development.Just as some zoning codes can make developments less pedestrian-friendly by demanding minimum parking requirements, banks often have their own set of parking criteria that can sometimes supersede that of local zoning rules. As a Street Blogs article put it: “In many parts of America, efforts to build transit-oriented, walkable communities are foiled because financing can’t be secured for projects that differ from the templates lenders have become used to since World War II.”

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The Crossings at Gresham. Photo credit: Myhre Group Architects

To get buy-in from financial groups, the community had to first prove the value of the project. It was only after a coordinated education campaign by regional leaders showing the viability of transit-oriented developments without large amounts of parking that lenders eventually financed the project. The development ended up being a success with 100% occupancy and long wait lists, and has provided a valuable template for financing other projects in the region that have less stringent parking requirements or none at all.

As planners, we often interact with zoning codes, ordinances, and other public tools to (ideally) create healthier, safer, and more sustainable communities. While these tools are essential, we sometimes overlook how economic or financial systems create barriers to achieving those goals. By studying how financial markets work and understanding how banks, lenders, or other parties think, planners can have a better understanding of the barriers for good policy.

This summer, I’m working as a graduate fellow with the Development Finance Initiative in UNC’s School of Government. The group supports local governments across the state with economic and real estate development decisions. One of our current projects is to facilitate the development of affordable housing eastern North Carolina communities ravaged by hurricanes over the past few years.

Today, nearly all affordable housing developments are financed using a federal program called the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC), a program that has been around since 1987 and has helped produce an estimated 2.3 million affordable units. Developers rarely use these credits themselves, and instead sell them to investors or companies who wish to reduce their tax bills while using the proceeds to finance the project. But credits are rarely sold at a 1-to-1 value, and the price often fluctuates in response to investor demand. For example, after President Trump passed his tax reform bill in 2017, the corporate tax rate was cut from 35 to 21 percent. Suddenly corporations weren’t in need of tax credits, and the price of LIHTC dropped. For developers, that means less investment to cover the costs of construction. Some industry experts predict passage of Trump’s tax reform will reduce the supply of affordable units by nearly 235,000 over the next 10 years.

While subtle shifts in financial markets can have large consequences at the local level, economically distressed communities have increasingly turned to these same credit systems to spur economic development. Federal and state governments are turning towards tax credits as a way to preserve historic structures or to incentivize investment in high-poverty neighborhoods.

Luckily, a number of towns are using these tools to their advantage. James and Deborah Fallows, in their series on American Small Towns, documented the role that tax credit policies played in the revitalization of downtown Danville, Va. Like North Carolina, Virginia’s small towns have an abundance of vacant or underutilized textile mills and tobacco warehouses. Similar to the LIHTC program, Virginia and the federal government provide tax credits for the rehabilitation costs of redeveloping old structures that retain their historic aesthetic. In this case, Danville’s historic character was what made revitalization possible.

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Main Street Plaza. Photo credit: City of Danville

For better or for worse, every community in the nation is increasingly affected by capital markets and the faraway investors who operate in them. Just this month, the New York Times reported that an estimated 1 in 5 starter homes are bought up by investors, leaving local families facing stiff competition in buying their first homes. As local leadership grapples with these new realities, planners should learn how to take advantage of financial and tax policies to create economic opportunity, and develop policies to protect local residents from the worst effects of global capital. Understanding how the assortment of carrots and sticks that developers and bankers used to finance projects, gives planners a better understanding of the forces that drive their communities.

Featured Image: A rendering of a redevelopment plan relying on public-private partnerships for the City of Kannapolis, NC, as developed in partnership with the Development Finance Initiative.


About the Author: Frank Muraca is a rising second-year master’s student in the UNC Department of City and Regional Planning. His interests include neighborhood change, displacement, and disaster housing. Prior to graduate school, he lived and worked in Jiangsu Province, China, writing about migrants and how changing city borders affect outlying farm communities. He’s originally from Charlottesville, Virginia, and earned his bachelor’s degree in economics at George Mason University.

Edited by Nora Louise Schwaller

Path to Peace: Road Building and Recovery in Afghanistan

While Americans are debating a Hyperloop, electric scooters, and ride-hailing services, some people are still just trying to access basic road infrastructure. Take Kunar, Afghanistan: located on the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, Kunar is a stronghold for the Taliban and the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP), the Afghan branch of ISIS. Despite the ongoing violence in Kunar, the government has been unable to advance its counter-terrorism agenda in the region due to the poorly connected and managed road network. According to former US commander Lieutenant General Karl Eikenberry, “Wherever the road ends, that’s where the Taliban starts” (1).

Since the official ‘end’ of the Taliban regime in 2001, the Afghan government has been trying to rehabilitate and expand its Soviet-era road infrastructure after decades of war and neglect. According to a 2016 report by the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction, the US Agency for International Development and the Department of Defense have spent $2.8 billion since 2002 on construction and repair of the country’s road infrastructure (2). Starting during the Obama era, however, the US shifted from funding road maintenance projects to relying on pre-allocated money to build new roads. President Trump has gone a step further, expressing his intent to slash $3 billion in foreign aid (3). In response to these losses, the Afghan government cut more than half of its infrastructure spending in 2018. The overall development budget, meanwhile, was reduced by 42 percent (4).

A few examples of the eclectic private vehicle fleet on the roads of Afghanistan. Cars are typically old, can have a steering wheel on either side, and are subject to little safety regulation (photo credit – Heyne Kim).

Although Afghanistan saw an average growth rate of 7 percent in GDP between 2007-2016, and has become more responsible in government spending, the country still relies on international donors. For example, in the 2018 budget, domestic revenue accounted for only 47 percent of the total, compared to 52 percent from foreign aid (4).

Today, China has in many ways taken up the role previously held by the US, investing $62 billion in Pakistan for the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). A part of China’s greater Road and Belt initiative, the CPEC project aims to build a roughly 2,000-mile road network across Pakistan, all the way to the Port of Gwadar on the Arabian Sea (5). CPEC also features a real-time monitoring and 24-hour surveillance system in urban areas, as well as explosive detectors and scanners for major roads, case-prone areas, and crowded places (6). China’s pilot program will be launched in Peshawar, a critical Taliban stronghold, and expanded overtime to other important political and economic hubs. The political motivations behind, and long-term implications of, these investments are complicated, but, currently, CPEC may be Pakistan’s best option for combatting terrorism.

Aside from the security concerns of the Taliban’s resurgence and China’s growing presence, there are other reasons why the US needs to maintain its commitment to improving infrastructure in Afghanistan. Infrastructure has been identified as a top government priority to ensure long-term economic growth and the eradication of poverty in Afghanistan, where agriculture produces 24.5 percent of the GDP and employs nearly 60 percent of the population. The country also contains 1.3 million hectares of valuable forestland and mineral resources estimated to be worth at least $1 trillion (7). Due to the lack of access, though, these resources are currently underutilized and subject to illegal exploitation by terrorist groups. Moreover, Afghanistan contains five major river basins and 36 sub-basins, which are critical to the larger region’s fragile freshwater management system (8). As such, having good relations with Afghanistan is key to promoting US-Central Asia relations more broadly.

Of course, foreign aid alone cannot solve Afghanistan’s infrastructure crisis; real change must come from within. Corruption has caused an estimated $5 billion in losses every year, while a lack of domestic traffic regulation has led to the proliferation of illegal drivers, overweight trucks, and improvised explosive devices, all of which contributes to wear and tear on the roads (2,4). Meanwhile, use of local contractors for road maintenance has been shown to help avert insurgent attacks. As such, addressing corruption and poor governance, while also increasing the share of local resources in road projects, will help ensure safety while also improving the local economy and allowing greater public participation in the planning process.  

An efficient, safe, and accessible road network is seen as a matter of life or death today in Afghanistan, just as it was at the height of the Cold War in the 1950s here at home. As such, continued US investment in Afghanistan’s road infrastructure is critical for combatting terrorism, improving US relations in the region, and protecting Afghan life and property. However, efforts must be made from the Afghan side as well, like two horses pulling a cart side by side. Peace and prosperity in Afghanistan is long overdue, and a better road network is one of the first steps to get there.

References:

  1. Sieff, K. 2014. After billions in US investment, Afghan roads are falling apart. The Washington Post. 30 Jan. 2014. <https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/after-billions-in-us-investment-afghan-roads-are-falling-apart/2014/01/30/9bd07764-7986-11e3-b1c5-739e63e9c9a7_story.html?noredirect=on&utm_term=.29ba8ab84656>
  2. SIGAR. 2016. Afghanistan’s Road Infrastructure: Sustainment Challenges and Lack of Repairs Put U.S. Investment at Risk. Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction Audit Report 17-11. Oct. 2016. <https://www.sigar.mil/pdf/audits/SIGAR-17-11-AR.pdf>
  3. Ferris, S. 2018. Trump administration to attempt to kill $3B in foreign aid. POLITICO. 17 Aug. 2018. <https://www.politico.com/story/2018/08/17/white-house-cut-foreign-aid-money-743481>
  4. IWA. 2017. The Game of Numbers: Analysis of the National Budget 2018. Integrity Watch Afghanistan. Dec. 2017. <https://iwaweb.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/IWA__National-Budget__English_6.pdf>
  5. Rafiq, A. 2017. China’s $62 Billion Bet on Pakistan. Foreign Affairs Letter from Gwadar. 24 Oct. 2017. <https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2017-10-24/chinas-62-billion-bet-pakistan>
  6. Bilal, S.H. 2017. How China and Pakistan are Combating Terrorism. The Asia Dialogue Belt and Road Initiative. 15 Nov. 2017. <https://theasiadialogue.com/2017/11/15/how-china-and-pakistan-are-combating-terrorism/>
  7. Schewe, E. 2017. War Has Made Afghanistan’s $1 Trillion in Minerals Worthless. JSTOR Daily. 20 Nov. 2017. <https://daily.jstor.org/war-has-made-afghanistans-1-trillion-in-minerals-worthless/>
  8. Huwaida, M.R. 2018. Afghanistan Water Resources: The Cause of Conflicts with Neighboring Countries. Daily Outlook Afghanistan. 23 May 2018. <http://outlookafghanistan.net/editorialdetail.php?post_id=20987>

About the author: Heyne J. Kim is a candidate for the Master of City and Regional Planning at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Prior to joining the program, she worked as a Coordinator for International Relations in southeastern Japan, promoting multiculturalism to Japanese citizens and foreign residents (edited by Leah Campbell).

Featured Image: A small town in Kunar, a politically volatile region in Afghanistan mentioned in the opening paragraph.

Eggs & Experts: Cuba’s Uncertain Economic Future

Where are the eggs? Challenges in Cuba’s economic development

On my taxi ride from Havana’s airport, I passed by a run-down building where thousands of egg cartons lay visibly stacked on the floor. These eggs sat in an open-air, visible from the street, unrefrigerated building on a hot Caribbean island. Counterintuitively, this was the first sign of the egg shortage in Havana, eggs being a foundational staple of the Cuban diet and typical basket of goods for any given family. What I saw inside the room was the result of a speculator attempting to profit off the new price of eggs by hoarding and eventually selling them at an inflated price that he helped create. From an economist’s perspective, aside from the lack of refrigeration, this egg hoarding was extremely rational, albeit exploitative. Resources are tight in Havana and opportunities for profit tend to be slim in a state-dominated economy that is rampant with side hustles such as this one. Indeed, when I arrived at my Airbnb, one of the first things my host told me was that breakfast could no longer be offered because she simply did not have eggs, and there were no realistic substitutes to make breakfast. I would later read that egg shortages, along with other main diet staples, are a common trend in Cuba. However, changes in the economy are transpiring that could allow for more legal private sector action that are intended to prevent shortages of essential goods like these in the future.

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University of Havana Main Campus (photo by Hannah Factor)

Contextualizing Cuba’s economic development: Expert perspectives on constitutional reform

Despite the egg shortage, now seemed like the perfect time for an economics student to visit Havana. The state had just passed a new constitution introducing a number of private sector reforms, including the first recognition of private property since the 1959 Revolution. According to Dr. Ricardo Torres, professor of economics at the University of Havana, the new constitution still affirms a socialist economic system and socialist planning. Cuba’s constitution now mentions private markets, and allows markets to operate, yet still under socialist planning as the main coordinator for the economy. Even more, it recognizes private ownership over the means of production, which incidentally may include the egg and poultry industry in the coming years. Interestingly, Torres was quick to point out how private ownership implicitly recognizes the exploitation of labor for the sake of production, a critique levied by many who opposed this constitutional referendum, and certainly a view that places him on the left of the American political spectrum (even more so when you just look at American economists). Torres did remark that the new constitution promotes workers participating in leadership decisions in their companies, as well as affirms the need for regulating wealth accumulation. Still, according to the new constitution, the main means of production must be state-owned, but as Torres quickly highlighted, that could mean many things, and leaves the fate of something like the egg and poultry industry largely uncertain, and up to the politics of Cuban lawmakers.

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Streets of Vedado, Havana (photo by Hannah Factor)

Trade’s impact on domestic economic development

Torres believes that Cuba should want to trade with anyone willing to trade with them. “If you’re trying to diversify your economy, anyone is welcome.” When I asked if Cuba would reconsider certain trading partners in light of Trump’s tightened sanctions, Torres gave the following perspective: “If you’re tightening sanctions, it’s not rational to expect that Cuba will pay attention to any of your concerns. So if countries like China, North Korea, Turkey are willing to forge even closer ties with Cuba, Cuba will welcome that move.”

In 2017, Venezuela was Cuba’s highest trading partner in goods, primarily coming from Venezuela’s oil exports to Cuba. Yet with the increasing political crisis and threat of regime change unfolding in Venezuela, this economic partnership is expected to be tested, with Torres speculating that oil shipments have decreased. Because the 2018 trade numbers have not been released, it is difficult to know what will need to happen next. But many economists are forecasting something in the vein of the “Special Period” of economic crisis that characterized Cuba in the 10 years following the fall of the Soviet Union in 1989, their main trading partner and political supporter at the time. While Venezuela’s decline may not be so hard-hitting as a decades-long recession, this further contextualizes Cuba’s need for private sector reforms in forging its own economic independence, rather than relying on trade with increasingly volatile nations.

Assuming no change in the US embargo, Cuba’s tension is clear: Become less dependent on volatile nations while maintaining their socialist values. When asked whether the private sector would increase as a share of the Cuban economy, which currently composes 28%, Dr. Torres shared his uncertainty “we cannot predict that, we’ve only had a change of the model, a change of the framework for which the government will help set up the implementation steps to make it all possible. The how of all this has yet to be determined.”

——

Hannah Factor is a senior economics and public policy major currently taking Economic Development Policy (PLAN 770), and is interested in economic development planning and upward mobility. She loves making memes and loosely planned backpacking trips. Her trip to Cuba was made possible thanks to the UNC Economics Adventure Fund and Innovate Carolina’s Dreamers-Who-Do Program.

The Impacts of Defining and Classifying Brownfields

 This piece was originally written by Ben Berolzheimer for Planning Methods (PLAN 720) in November 2018.

What are brownfields and why should planners care about them? The United States EPA (1) defines a brownfield as “a property, the expansion, redevelopment, or reuse of which may be complicated by the presence or potential presence of a hazardous substance, pollutant, or contaminant.” Brownfields are located in just about every community around the U.S., but are most prevalent in cities that have a history of industrial manufacturing followed by economic decline (2). Brownfields present the communities in which they are located with a variety of complex issues varying from chemical exposure to reduced property values. The ill effects of brownfields can disproportionately burden some groups, as minority populations are more likely to live near a brownfield or contaminated site (3).

Redeveloping brownfields can reduce these community issues while minimizing urban sprawl development. When it comes to development, brownfields offer an alternative to undeveloped land, also known as greenfields. By redeveloping brownfields, there is a reduction of waste as sites are often already fitted with supporting infrastructure, which promotes the reuse of building materials. Utilizing brownfields for redevelopment aims to increase more compact urban design through infill, and conserve more green space. While there is no definitive count of the total number of brownfield sites in the United States, estimates range anywhere from 450,000 to one million total sites (4). One of the major issues that planners, developers, and communities are confronted with when trying to remediate and redevelop brownfields is the difficulty in defining exactly what is a brownfield.

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Photo of Zemědělský brownfield taken by Petr Vilgus (2007) from Creative Commons

By lacking a brownfield definition, municipalities might be unaware that such a site exists in their community.  By being able to define and identify a brownfield site, only then can local governments determine the suitability of and prioritize a brownfield for redevelopment. Counting and characterizing the total number of brownfield sites in the U.S. is no easy task. Much of the difficulty can be attributed to the lack of a clear and standard definition of brownfields. The EPA (5)  previously defined a brownfield as any “abandoned, idled, or under-used industrial and commercial facilities where expansion or redevelopment is complicated by real or perceived environmental contamination.” Inclusion of the word “perceived” indicates that just about anywhere could be classified as a brownfield. Without clearly defined characteristics and boundaries of brownfields, governments have an uphill battle in identifying, characterizing, counting, and prioritizing them for redevelopment.

Another factor that makes counting and characterizing the total number of brownfields so difficult, is the perception that comes with a property being labeled as a brownfield. Since the brownfield definition is not clear, the ramifications of being labeled as such are not clear either. There are no legal implications, but a brownfield classification can often influence public perception that a site is contaminated, unclean, and unsafe. Because of this perception problem, property owners have no incentive to self-report or cooperate with counting efforts.

Planners can play a role in how brownfields are defined and targeted for redevelopment. Proactively identifying potential brownfields before they are actually classified is one approach. It is advantageous to get ahead of a classification perception problem than have to mitigate the effects post-classification. One method for predicting and identifying potential brownfields has been using tax delinquency data and industrial classification codes (6). Another potential approach to defining brownfield sites could be one of increased inclusivity. If a property is not posing a direct risk to communities then it might be more beneficial for neighboring citizen properties if the site is not classified. Labeling a property as a brownfield gives a site a scary name and adds a negative perception to something that is not clearly defined. When considering infill redevelopment of underused property, local governments and communities should look at all potential properties, not just brownfields. While the importance of evaluating property for potential contaminants and associated health risks should not be overlooked, the vague definition of a brownfield can cause more harm than good when it comes to governments and communities being able to redevelop underused properties.

Finally, when redeveloping brownfields, local governments should be cognizant of the potential for gentrification, and should take strides to ensure revitalization without displacement. Brownfield infill development in urban areas has often been associated with an increase in displacement of residents, which as mentioned early, are often minority communities. For this reason, is could be beneficial for a community based approach to redevelopment. The American Planning Association (APA) has developed a report to help planners with this process,“Creating community-based brownfield redevelopment strategies” (7). The APA report provides a step-by-step roadmap for community based organizations to take control of the redevelopment process and co-produce desired outcomes of the communities in which these properties are located. Local governments can also employee community residents in the revitalization of a brownfield through the EPA’s Environmental and Workforce Development Job Training Program Grant, which focuses on the underemployed surrounding a brownfield by providing training and employment opportunities to redevelop the site (8).  

Equipped with the knowledge about brownfield classification, redevelopment prioritization, and importance of community involvement during redevelopment, local governments, planners, and communities are better prepared to utilize brownfield sites. Through brownfield infill, municipalities can conserve precious greenfields while efficiently using land within the build environment. 

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Photo of St James’s Park Lake taken by Colin (6 October 2012) from Flickr.com

About the author: Ben Berolzheimer is a first-year master’s student in UNC’s Department of City and Regional Planning specializing in land use and environmental planning. He works part time as an ORISE Research Fellow at the U.S. EPA’s Office of Research and Development for the Sustainable and Healthy Communities Research Program, where he creates strategies and frameworks to make research more impactful and user-focused. As a happily married newlywed, Ben enjoys spending his free time exploring the North Carolina mountains with his wife Carley.

References:

  1. US EPA, 2018. Brownfields Definition. US EPA Brownfields Homepage http://www.epa.gov/swerosps/bf/glossary.htm.
  2. Simons, Robert A. “How Many Urban Brownfields Are Out There?:  An Economic Base Contraction Analysis of 31 U.S. Cities.” Public Works Management & Police 2, No 3 (1998):  267-73.
  3. Byrne, Jason, Jennifer Wolch, and Jin Zhang. “Planning for Environmental Justice in an Urban National Park.” Journal of Environmental Planning and Management 52, No.3  (2009): 365-92.
  4. U.S. General Account Office (GAO). 1987. Superfund: Extent of Nation’s Potential Hazardous Waste Problem Still Unknown. GAO/RCED-88-44. Washington, DC: GAO
  5. US EPA, 1997. Brownfields Definition. US EPA Brownfields Homepage http://www.epa.gov/swerosps/bf/glossary.htm.
  6. Cheng, Fangfang, Stan Geertman, Monika Kuffer, and Qingming Zhan. “An Integrative Methodology to Improve Brownfield Redevelopment Planning in Chinese Cities: A Case Study of Futian, Shenzhen.” Computers, Environment and Urban System 35, No. 5 (2011): 388-98.
  7. Hersh, Robert, David Morley, James Schwab and Laura Solitare. “Creating community-based brownfield redevelopment strategies.” American Planning Association. 2010.
  8. US EPA, 2019. Types of Brownfields Grant Funding. US EPA Brownfields https://www.epa.gov/brownfields/types-brownfields-grant-funding

Racial Inequality, Gentrification, and Poverty: The History and Context of Durham’s Affordability Crisis

On any given night in Durham, young people mill about on Rigsbee Avenue, ducking into the bars and restaurants that have cropped up there. Liberty Warehouse, an upscale condominium complex that once was a tobacco auction warehouse, looms farther up the street. The transformation of this street is emblematic of Durham’s transition from a working-class tobacco town to a hip city known for its food scene. But along with the economic revitalization of downtown has come an increase in rents and housing prices in nearby neighborhoods, pushing longtime black residents out.

A recent study from the North Carolina Poverty Research Fund identified three downtown neighborhoods – East Durham, Old North Durham and Southside – as particularly susceptible to gentrification, a term describing the influx of higher income residents into underinvested and predominantly poor communities. According to this study, median housing prices in the downtown area have nearly doubled, from $180,000 in 2012 to $350,000 in 2016. The location, affordability and diversity make these neighborhoods appealing to home buyers, while poverty and high rents make them prone to gentrification. Many neighborhoods that were home to long-time black residents are now seeing a demographic shift; the study found that the majority of home loan applicants in 2016 were white.

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The transitional nature of gentrification. Source: North Carolina Poverty Research Fund

As one interviewee in the study put it, “Yuppies are living next to low-income families. They have fixed up a house to be worth $300,000 right next to a house worth $20,000. Buyers are also squatting on houses—buying them up and then sitting on them until the black folks leave.”

To understand how and why gentrification is happening, the authors of the study, Heather Hunt and Allison De Marco, looked to the past at the effects of redlining and urban renewal. In the 1930s, the Home Owner’s Loan Corporation evaluated the creditworthiness of neighborhoods using race as one of the criteria. Thus, neighborhoods that were majority black or poor were graded red and consider “hazardous” for lending. This practice prevented many African American residents from borrowing money and becoming homeowners, which meant they were unable to build wealth and establish financial security. Red-lined neighborhoods were systematically disinvested, receiving fewer services and resources than wealthier, white neighborhoods.

In spite of redlining, the African American community in Durham thrived in neighborhoods like Hayti and the West End. Earning the moniker “Capital of the Black Middle Class,” Durham was nationally recognized for its black businesses, particularly the North Carolina Mutual Insurance Company. However, by the 1950s, Hayti and other African American neighborhoods became targets for urban renewal, part of a federally subsidized program to clear areas designated as “slums,” which in practice meant neighborhoods that were majority black. According to the study, more than 4,000 households and 500 businesses were forced to relocate to make way for Highway 147, and promises made to restore the community went largely unfulfilled.

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White flight and gentrification in Durham, NC, 1970-2016. Source: North Carolina Poverty Research Fund

 

By the 70 and 80s, downtown Durham had been largely abandoned due white flight and disinvestment, which set the stage for developers and investors to capitalize on cheap properties when the city started to turn around in 2010. The same neighborhoods that were previously subject to redlining and urban renewal are now experiencing gentrification. “The search for the next up and coming neighborhoods has pushed developers and prospective home buyers toward formerly overlooked neighborhoods bordering downtown,” the study says.

In the case of Southside, which was formerly part of the Hayti neighborhood,  gentrification was a “self-fulfilling prophesy” according to Hunt. The city invested millions to subsidize construction, renovation and purchase of homes with the intent of making them affordable to existing residents. That did not happen. Instead, median sale price rose from $20,000 in 2012 to $216,000 in 2016, with private market construction homes selling for $450,000 or more. As the study puts it, “the revitalization and subsequent gentrification shows how tricky it can be to break the bonds of history and race.”

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Soaring housing prices and demand in Durham, NC from 2012-2016. Source: North Carolina Poverty Research Fund

Growing by an estimated 10,000 new inhabitants each year, Durham faces soaring demand and a limited housing supply that has created an affordability crisis. Local officials are aware of the issues but unsure how to address it. Unlike other cities, Durham doesn’t have tenant protections or inclusionary zoning laws, which would require developers to dedicate a portion of new construction or rehabilitation to affordable units. Local housing organizations like Habitat for Humanity and the Durham Community Land Trust help low-income residents become homeowners but they can’t keep up with the need.

The report does not offer any policy solutions but Hunt recognizes that city officials are “wrestling with the idea that it’s hard to do economic development without exacerbating inequalities that exist in the place already. Even in a place like Durham which prides itself on diversity and inclusivity, it’s still really struggling with these issues.”

About the Author: Lucia Constantine is a second-year master’s student in the Department of City and Regional Planning. Her planning interests include immigrant integration into cities and inclusive economic development. Prior to coming to UNC, Lucia worked in higher education and nonprofits. She likes listening to podcasts, baking with alternative grains, and taking unreasonable walks.

Featured Image: A redlining map of Durham, NC, 1937. Source: Mapping Inequality

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