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Tag: Law

Jaywalking Laws – Safer for Whom?

By Emma Vinella-Brusher

Daunte Wright’s death, and the immense pain and unrest felt across the nation resulting from the never-ending trend of police violence against Black and Brown people, could and should have been avoided. In the wake of yet another murder of a Black man at the hands of the police, the inequities of our racist traffic enforcement laws are once again on full display. On the surface, this was simply a routine traffic stop gone wrong, and one could argue the race of the driver had nothing to do with it. But none of this is routine, and race had everything to do with it.

Across the U.S., Black people are more likely to be pulled over and far more likely to be searched during a traffic stop [1]. In the vast majority of cases, the stop is for something as simple as having a broken tail light or failing to signal a lane change. Or, in the case of Daunte Wright, hanging an air freshener from your rear view mirror.

Beyond traffic stops, racial targeting can also be seen in the enforcement of jaywalking laws. The history of policing and pedestrians traces back to the early 20th century, when people began to look at street space as belonging to cars rather than pedestrians. The shift in perspective became more notable with the introduction and conceptualization of jaywalking laws. In 1912, Kansas City passed the first U.S. ordinance related to jaywalking. The new ordinance led to the rise of victim blaming, placing fault on the pedestrians who were injured or killed on the streets [2]. Criminalizing jaywalking also increased opportunities to enforce other policies such as stop and frisk and search and seizure. Stopping someone for jaywalking allowed police to identify other criminal activities.

Source: National Safety Council/Library of Congress

A simple Google search for police brutality during jaywalking-related arrests yields dozens and dozens of results. One of the most well-known cases is that of 18-year-old Michael Brown of Ferguson, Missouri, who was fatally shot after being stopped for jaywalking. If you are Black and lucky enough to survive an interaction with the police, our jaywalking laws are still inequitably enforced with far-reaching consequences. This can be seen across the U.S.:

  • New York City, NY: 89.5% of jaywalking tickets went to Blacks or Hispanics in the first 9 months of 2019 [3]
  • Jacksonville, FL: Blacks are 3 times more likely to be ticketed for pedestrian infractions than whites [4]
  • Urbana, IL: From 2007-2015, Blacks received 91% of jaywalking tickets despite only making up 16% of the population [5]

The policing of jaywalking also disadvantages those who rely on walking as their primary mode of transportation, with an especially distilled impact on those who live in areas without reliable pedestrian infrastructure. The infrastructure issue begs the question: how can you avoid jaywalking when the crosswalk doesn’t exist? Criminalizing jaywalking can further exacerbate the cycle of poverty. Jaywalking fines can be very steep, with charges up to $250 in some areas. Failure to pay may result in a loss of one’s driver’s license or damage to one’s credit score [6].

Enforcing minor infractions such as jaywalking provides yet another mechanism for further criminalization of targeted groups. Eliminating jaywalking and other minor traffic enforcement laws leads to fewer interactions between police and Black and Brown communities, and allows us to focus on actual safety concerns such as speeding instead. Traffic enforcement should be about saving lives, not endangering them.

Going forward, we must ask ourselves – what role do we want policing to play in traffic enforcement?

Should the police have a role in our transportation system at all?  


Emma Vinella-Brusher is a first-year dual degree Master’s student in City and Regional Planning and Public Health interested in equity, mobility, and food security. Born and raised in Oakland, CA, she received her undergraduate degree in Environmental Studies from Carleton College before spending four years at the U.S. Department of Transportation in Cambridge, MA. In her free time, Emma enjoys running, bike rides, live music, and laughing at her own jokes.


Edited by Ruby Brinkerhoff


Works Cited

[1] https://www.sc.edu/uofsc/posts/2020/06/racial_disparities_traffic_stops.php#.YHea-BRKjt1

[2] https://www.vox.com/2015/1/15/7551873/jaywalking-history

[3] https://nyc.streetsblog.org/2020/01/08/nypd-targets-blacks-and-latinos-for-jaywalking-tickets/

[4] https://usa.streetsblog.org/2017/11/16/jacksonvilles-jaywalking-enforcement-is-very-very-racist/

[5] https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/03/opinion/jaywalking-while-black-jacksonville-florida.html

[6] https://features.propublica.org/walking-while-black/jacksonville-pedestrian-violations-racial-profiling/

 

Affordable Housing Toolkit Snapshot: Inclusionary Zoning

This blog is part of a series spotlighting the writings of first-year DCRP Master’s students in fulfillment of PLAN720: Planning Methods in Fall 2017. 

The dearth of affordable housing options available to residents of our nation is slowly seeping into the national discourse, where previously it had largely been confined to the purview of urban planners, lawyers, and policy advocates. Matthew Desmond’s groundbreaking 2016 book, Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City, and other timely pieces have helped shed light on the plight of those struggling to find adequate housing. The problem is not just limited to the poor or very poor: as wages have remained stagnant and housing prices have continually risen, even those with traditionally working class roles and moderate incomes, such as teachers, firefighters, and police officers, struggle to find affordable housing options.

As municipalities have grappled with how to combat this issue, they have turned to a number of innovative methods. One highly discussed method that many local governments have used is the practice of inclusionary zoning. At its core, inclusionary zoning (also known as inclusionary housing) involves creating zoning regulations that encourage private-market housing developers to set aside a certain percentage of units at a less than market rate price.

Though inclusionary zoning is often used as a term to denote one single policy, the term actually refers to a host of different policies, that, while sharing fundamental characteristics, vary widely from policy to policy and from location to location. Inclusionary zoning often applies to rental units, though there are inclusionary zoning policies in place for ownership as well. Additionally, the set aside percentages for each development (i.e. the portion of units which must be affordable) vary. Furthermore, the definition of “affordable” varies from policy to policy. Typically, the zoning regulation requires units be made available to those making a certain percentage (or below) of the Area Median Income (AMI). This AMI percentage is determined for each geographic location by the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development. Recognizing that producing on-site affordable housing is not always feasible, a number of inclusionary zoning policies offer alternative options for developers, which can include: 1) off-site construction of affordable housing; 2) land dedication; 3) credit transfer; 4) payment of in-lieu fees; and 5) conversion of existing units to affordable housing.1 The availability of these options vary by both location and policy. Finally, a common distinguishing feature of inclusionary zoning policies is whether the policy is mandatory or voluntary in nature.

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Housing development under construction in Washington, D.C. Photo Credit: Adam Fagen/Flickr CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

Though there is some debate on the scale of impact that inclusionary zoning has on producing affordable housing units, a number of studies have noted that it can be successful if tailored correctly. Researchers from New York University’s Furman Center conducted a study of inclusionary zoning policies in San Francisco, California; Washington, D.C.; and Boston, Massachusetts. The study concluded that the adaptability of inclusionary zoning is well suited to confront localized housing issues and functions as a “nuanced mechanism” for the creation of affordable housing, though it is not incapable of solving affordable housing problems on its own. The idea that inclusionary zoning is a useful tool, though not necessarily a panacea, for creating affordable housing is commonly echoed among researchers. While there is widespread support for inclusionary zoning, there are also critics who contend that it chills the production of private development of housing by raising prices and deterring developers, which in turn limits the production of affordable housing. While studies acknowledge that this does occur, the observable effects have often been minimal.3 

Increased attention has been paid to the role of alternatives offered to developers under inclusionary zoning policies. A study focusing on the effects of inclusionary zoning in California noted that the combination of two or more incentives greatly increased the likelihood that affordable housing would be produced on site (meaning that developers would choose to build affordable units rather than take an alternative choice under the law).4 Further, in a recent study, researchers from UC Berkeley advocate for mandatory, but flexible policies, noting that alternatives can be successful in furthering affordable housing.5 However, the study also noted that setting in-lieu fees too low, or failing to adequately revise them over time, reduces the effectiveness of inclusionary programs. Another study underscores the need for flexible inclusionary zoning programs, noting that policies in the San Francisco area that granted density bonuses and exempted smaller projects produced more affordable units overall than other policies.6 Most scholarship suggests that flexible mandatory programs are best at producing affordable units.

Finally, as inclusionary zoning is a function of local government’s zoning power, there are important legal considerations within this conversation. In Dillon’s Rule states, local governments can only exercise powers expressly delegated to them through enabling statutes, while in home rule states, local governments have inherent power to regulate. In North Carolina, a Dillon’s Rule state, the legality of inclusionary zoning is murky, as the state statute granting municipalities the power to zone does not seem to grant the type of power that inclusionary zoning requires. Thus, it is important to note the limits of each local government’s power in crafting inclusionary zoning ordinances.

While the effects of inclusionary zoning policies are difficult to assess, there does seem to be a consensus that it is a useful tool, though perhaps not a panacea for solving all affordable housing issues. Further, the literature indicates that certain characteristics of inclusionary zoning policies tend to create more affordable units: creating a mandatory rather than voluntary policy, offering flexibility for developers, and ensuring that the alternatives offered are not too low as to insufficiently contribute to off-site affordable housing. Local governments around the country are searching for ways to promote affordable housing within their jurisdictions. Inclusionary zoning can be useful tool in this endeavor, if utilized in the proper manner. Local governments vary from state to state and location to location; thus, it stands to reason that there is no one-size-fits-all inclusionary zoning policy. However, as there are a number of characteristics of inclusionary zoning policies that have worked to create affordable housing, planners, lawyers, and policy makers should take these successful characteristics into account when crafting their own inclusionary zoning policies.

Featured Image: Affordable Housing. Photo Credit: Dhgisme/Wikimedia Commons

Garde, A. (2016). Affordable by Design? Inclusionary Housing Insights from Southern California. Journal of Planning Education and Research, 36(1), 16–31. https://doi.org/10.1177/0739456X15600033

Schuetz, J., Meltzer, R., & Been, V. (2009). 31 flavors of inclusionary zoning: Comparing policies from San Francisco, Washington, DC, and suburban Boston. Journal of the American Planning Association, 75(4), 441–456. https://doi.org/10.1080/01944360903146806 

Ibid. 

Ibid. 

Mukhija, V., Regus, L., Slovin, S., & Das, A. (2010). Can Inclusionary Zoning Be an Effective and Efficient Housing Policy? Evidence from Los Angeles and Orange Counties. Journal of Urban Affairs, 32(2), 229–252. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9906.2010.00495.x

Armstrong, A., Been, V., Meltzer, R., & Schuetz, J. (2008). The Effects of Inclusionary Zoning on Local Housing Markets: Lessons from the San Francisco, Washington DC and Suburban Boston Areas. Retrieved from http://furmancenter.org/files/publications/IZPolicyBrief.pdf.

About the Author: Matthew Norchi is a third-year dual degree student pursuing a law degree and a Master’s degree in City and Regional Planning at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Matt is interested in equitable land use planning, affordable housing, and economic development. In his spare time, Matt enjoys listening to psychedelic music, watching UNC basketball, reading, and speculating about all things Star Wars.

 

Current Planning-Related Legislation in the North Carolina General Assembly

The Planner’s toolbox is being modified constantly by laws passed and policies enacted at every level of government. Being aware of existing laws, as well as proposed legislation, is important for planners, communities, and advocates working throughout the state. Here’s a sample of the planning-related bills currently under consideration at the state level in the North Carolina General Assembly:

North-Carolina-Legislative-Building-20080321

North Carolina Legislative Building. Photo credit: Wikimedia, Jmturner.

House Bill 3 / Senate Bill 34: Constitutional Amendment on Eminent Domain/Takings (Land Use)

House Bill 3 and its Senate counterpart, Senate Bill 34, propose a Constitutional Amendment requiring that eminent domain takings be exclusively for “public use,” and not for “public use or benefit.” It also entitles parties whose land is taken through eminent domain the right to request a jury trial in order to determine just compensation. Current state statutes do allow for jury trial to determine compensation, but the NC Supreme Court has ruled that it is not a State Constitutional right. If passed, this amendment would come before the NC general electorate for a vote in November 2018. (Current Status: Passed in House 104-9, in committee in Senate )

House Bill 68 / Senate Bill 65: BRIGHT Futures Act (Economic Development)

House Bill 68 and Senate Bill 65 propose funding for digital infrastructure supporting broadband, computing, and communications, particularly in rural and low-income areas. Known as the “BRIGHT Futures Act” (BRIGHT is an acronym for “Broadband, Retail Online Services, Internet of Things, Gridpower, Healthcare, and Training and Education”), it advances the idea of digital  infrastructure as an essential public investment to spur growth in the “BRIGHT” markets across the state.  The bills further stipulate that the NCWorks Commission produce an annual report showing how it can improve job training and employment opportunities for individuals seeking work in BRIGHT markets. (Current Status: in committee in House and Senate)

House Bill 175: Environmental Revitalization in Empowerment Zones (Environmental Justice and Hazard Mitigation)

House Bill 175 requires the Department of Environmental Quality (DEQ) to prioritize the improvement of environmental metrics within “urban empowerment zones.” These zones are defined as areas within a city of greater than 275,000 people that is experiencing: higher than city average unemployment or crime, or lower than average household income. The city government must identify these zones. DEQ would be responsible for helping with stream restoration and flood prevention, studying air pollution, and convening an annual conference to create plans for the improvement of air and water quality within the urban empowerment zones. (Current Status: in committee in House)

House Bill 387: Corner Store Initiative (Community Revitalization and Public Health)

House Bill 387 aims to increase the sale of healthy foods in food deserts by assisting existing small food retailers to stock fresh produce and other nutrient-dense foods. The bill would create The Healthy Food Small Retailer Fund within the Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services, and funds would be dispersed through county or regional public health departments. Participating stores would be required to accept or agree to accept benefits for federal nutrition programs such a SNAP. (Current Status: in committee in House)

Senate Bill 296: Requirements for Road Improvements Adjacent to Schools (Transportation)

Senate Bill 296 would allow a school to hire its own independent traffic engineer to evaluate whether a new school’s access points meet the standards of North Carolina Department of Transportation’s “Policy on Street and Driveway Access.” Also, schools would be reimbursed by NCDOT for any improvements made to the state highway system that exceed the requirements of NCDOT’s policy. The city’s standards for improvements may not exceed what is “required for safe ingress or egress to the municipal street system and that are physically connected to a driveway on a school site.” (Current Status: in committee in Senate)

Please note that the selection of bills for this article does not constitute an endorsement of their content, but is meant to show the breadth of planning issues under discussion in the North Carolina General Assembly. To track the status of these bills and to read their full text, visit www.ncleg.net. For a full list of bills that the North Carolina Chapter of the American Planning Association is monitoring, visit http://apa-nc.org/legislation.

About the Author: Catherine Peele is a first year Master’s of City and Regional Planning candidate from Albemarle, North Carolina. Her planning interests include transportation project prioritization methods and freight mobility.  Outside of planning, Catherine enjoys exploring local parks and museums, supporting refugee resettlement efforts in the Triangle, perfecting classic Southern dishes and trying new recipes, and spending time with her two nieces.