Tag: Revitalization

Conceptual Design of Olde Richmond, Philadelphia: Olde Richmond Waterfront District

May 20, 2020 / odrozd

By Jo Kwon and Mariah Wozniak

Introduction

The Delaware River has played a vital role in Philadelphia’s economic development since the City’s inception as goods were transported via the River’s piers, wharfs, and canals to faraway places (Philadelphia2035 2011, 4). Access to the River provided an avenue to establish trade routes and enable the manufacturing economies that propelled Philadelphia into manufacturing prominence. However, Philadelphia neighborhoods that once prospered alongside their booming industries, and the Delaware River, declined as manufacturing slowed following WWII (Adams 1991, 14). As a result, many working-class neighborhoods in North Philadelphia, including Olde Richmond, experienced disinvestment, abandonment, and increased crime rates.

Construction of the Vine Street Expressway in the late 1950s greatly disrupted connectivity between Center City and North Philadelphia (Philadelphia2035 2011). Additionally, as seen in Figure 1 below, construction of the Delaware Expressway (I-95) bisected Olde Richmond and directly contributed to disconnectivity within the neighborhood itself. Despite Olde Richmond’s location adjacent to the Delaware River, its waterfront remains largely undeveloped. At present, the area consists of mostly vacant land dotted with scant commercial buildings and privately held areas such as Graffiti Pier. In contrast to the existing land use, we propose a conceptual redesign for Olde Richmond, in an area we termed Olde Richmond Waterfront District (ORWD), that offers a connected city-dwelling experience.

*Figure 1: Olde Richmond Neighborhood, Philadelphia, PA Photo Credit: Google Maps*

Challenges & Opportunities

The Delaware Expressway (I-95) exists as a present challenge for development in Olde Richmond. The heavily traveled highway impedes pedestrian mobility within the neighborhood and poses significant threats to pedestrian safety. In addition, the existence and positioning of I-95 has limited redevelopment projects in Olde Richmond beyond the multi-lane roadway. This is due, at least in part, to the disruption it causes to the urban fabric and classic grid street pattern (Condon 2010, 28).

In recent years, Philadelphia has redeveloped several of its public and open spaces near Center City including Love Park, Dilworth Plaza, and Franklin Square. The City has also focused efforts on revitalizing its waterfronts into viable pedestrian uses. Although North Philadelphia contains ample available riverfront along the Delaware River, there are few designated waterfront amenities available to residents in this area of the City. However, in recognition of this disparity, within its Philadelphia2035 CityWide Vision Plan, Philadelphia outlined the need to increase equitable access to open-space resources and complete, expand, and connect watershed parks and trails along the Delaware River (Philadelphia2035 2011, 136-137). Philadelphia2035 specifically outlines Olde Richmond’s waterfront as a target area for redevelopment and completion of a “Delaware Waterfront Trail” as part of a citywide network of trails (Philadelphia2035 2011, 136-140).

In addition to Philadelphia2035’s vision to expand access to waterfronts and neighborhood parks and recreation, and in order to achieve the plan’s goal to elevate public demand for good design in the public realm, our chosen site rectifies its largely abandoned and disconnected state by improving its connectivity and implementing an interconnected street system similar to that of greater Philadelphia (Condon 2010, 39). In addition to the area’s tendency toward a linked system of natural areas and parks, because the selected site is largely vacant, there is vast opportunity to implement Condon’s rules for sustainable design including mixed use development, diversifying housing types, co-location of jobs and homes, and green infrastructure (Condon 2010, 14-15).

Proposed Solution

*Figure 2: Proposed Design Solution for Olde Richmond Waterfront District*

Connectivity & Complete Streets

To address the disconnectivity and lack of infrastructure that presently plague the area proposed for the ORWD, we emphasized human-scaled development within our design. Our conceptual design is predicated on “burying” the Delaware Expressway (I-95) and establishing an interconnected grid pattern, with a heavy emphasis on small blocks, for the ORWD. As Leon Krier states, “[t]he building block is either the instrument to form streets and squares, or it results from a pattern of streets and squares” (Krier 1984, 44). Careful consideration of the building blocks, and their orientation served as the foundation of our design. As seen in Figure 2 above, the overall, streets, squares, buildings, and public spaces were situated according to our proposed urban grid arrangement.

Drawing inspiration from the urban fabric of other areas of Philadelphia, the block dimensions on the west side of the design are similar in size and pattern to the Washington Square West neighborhood. The block dimensions on the east side of the proposed ORWD are reminiscent of the northwest portion of Olde Richmond that borders I-95 and the adjacent Fishtown neighborhood. The building sizes are varied with a mixture of housing types including Philadelphia’s notable row houses and sizable high-density apartment developments. The proposed ORWD boasts 45 ft complete streets which include a one-way car lane, a parking lane, sidewalks, and a bike lane. The car and parking lanes are each 8-foot, bike lanes are 5-foot, and sidewalks are a minimum of 12-foot in width throughout the entire district.

Mixed-Use Neighborhood

There are three primary types of housing stock in Olde Richmond Waterfront District: mixed-use buildings with residential areas from second to the fifth floor, row houses, and large high-density apartment buildings. Although the entire district is intended for mixed-use, the west side of the district consists of slightly larger blocks apt for business and commercial spaces. The east side of ORWD offers smaller lots with traditional residential row houses. The west side includes urban blocks with buildings similar to those in Center City with first floor commercial spaces, like restaurants and retail shops, and residential uses claiming the second to fifth floors. In addition, the high-density apartment buildings are designed to help alleviate Philadelphia’s shortage of affordable housing. We strongly suggest at least 50% of the units within these buildings are designated as affordable. The emphasis on mixed-use buildings and varying housing types throughout the district propels social and cultural complexity within ORWD.

Parks and ORWD Perimeter Trail

*Figure 3: Aerial View of Graffiti Pier and Surrounding Public & Greenspaces*

As seen in Figure 3 above, the Olde Richmond Waterfront District has various parks, including large squares, pocket parks incorporated into many blocks, and parks near the greenway. The large parks include fountains and recreational space in alignment with Philadelphia’s original Franklin, Logan, Penn, Washington, and Rittenhouse squares. The pocket parks in the blocks are situated throughout the district serve as “the web of green spaces and green links (Bacon 1976, 1733)” to create a pattern of connectivity with larger parks and the district’s perimeter trail. The ORWD Perimeter Trail is a key component in the ORWD, as it encompasses the entirety of the proposed district’s area. This 20-foot wide multi-use trail is made of sustainable and environmentally friendly material and serves as one of the main recreational amenities the ORWD. This trail is designed to meet the goals of developing a system of trails connecting across Philadelphia while providing interconnectivity to outdoor recreational spaces (Philadelphia2035 2011, 136-140). Various public and greenspaces, including ballparks, dog parks, apple tree parks, etc. are situated along the trail. The trail is elevated on the northern perimeter to provide for pedestrian safety and traffic flow of the underlying streets.

Natural Preservation & Stormwater Management

Consideration of the natural environment is necessary when redeveloping an area near a resource such as the Delaware River. The southwest portion of the ORWD, denoted in a brownish-green hue, along the Delaware River, maintains the natural area for ecological purposes and wildlife preservation. Creating a space to support biodiversity connects the urbanized area to the natural environment. Aside from transforming the southeast portion into ballparks and sport courts, which are specifically designed to capture and hold rainwater and serve as stormwater management within the ORWD, the rest of this portion of the proposed development is designated for natural preservation. The green buffer exists adjacent to the river to prevent flooding and for sustainable management of regional water resources (Farr 2008, 175). The inclusion of these natural preservation areas and unique BMPs help manage runoff from impermeable surfaces within the district and limit pollutants entering the waterways to the river.

Public Spaces

Thoughtful provision of public spaces is an integral component of the placemaking within the Olde Richmond Waterfront District. As seen in Figure 4 below, specific attention to Carmona’s objectives for public space, including character, ease of movement, and adaptability, influenced the public spaces within the district (Carmona et al. 2003, 9). The public spaces within the ORWD contain unique and colorful mural-type graffiti designs as a homage to the history and cultural significance of Graffiti Pier to Philadelphia and the people of the surrounding neighborhoods. Not only does this provide aesthetic appeal and linkages throughout, but it also contributes to the district’s past and present identity. In addition, public spaces are creatively integrated into the interconnected street network of the district. The ORWD perimeter trail is also designed to be accessible from virtually any point in the district. Lastly, areas across the district denoted in pink designate areas intended for pop-up shops, snack stands, bars, and other semi-permanent establishments. This type of planning and design allows for such spaces to change seasonally with ease. This also provides flexibility as retail and commercial landscape changes across the United States.

To facilitate human interaction and experiences within the district, we integrated Graffiti Pier, the Balboa Building, and ORWD Amphitheater into ORWD’s design. Graffiti Pier incorporates several attractions that contribute to the quality of the public realm within the Olde Richmond Waterfront District (Carmona et al. 2003, 9). Such attractions include another Robert Indiana “LOVE” statue to add to Philadelphia’s collection. This statue is similar in size and scale to the existing statue in Center City’s Love Park. Graffiti Pier also boasts one of the large fountains within the district as well as unique hard and soft scaping. Drawing inspiration from Philadelphia’s Race Street Pier, Graffiti Pier provides ample space for public gatherings such as outdoor yoga or summer movie programs, all interconnected with 20-foot walking paths. The pinnacle of Graffiti Pier, however, is a 70-foot solar-powered Ferris wheel ideal for taking in views of the Delaware River, Ben Franklin Bridge, the Philadelphia Skyline, and Olde Richmond.

*Figure 5: Detailed Illustration of Graffiti Pier*

The Balboa Building is an ode to the Philadelphia Museum of Art and the Rocky Steps. The building serves as administrative offices for the district as well as an event venue for weddings and galas. Inclusion of this building, and its familiar elements, provide interesting imagery within the district as well as multi-level spaces for visitors to enjoy and interact with. The building contributes to the diversity of the overall district as it offers pedestrians and visitors with variety and choice. The ORWD Amphitheater not only provides a public gathering area for concerts and other entertainment, but it also doubles as a public amenity when events are not scheduled. The amphitheater includes several softscape areas and designated hard-scape areas for pop-up commercial shops and offerings.

Conclusion

Olde Richmond Waterfront District offers Philadelphians a space to live, work, and enjoy leisure time. Our proposed design offers an equilibrium of work and living and aligns with several of Philadelphia2035’s goals (Krier 1984). This is made possible by continuing Philadelphia’s classic grid pattern into the ORWD area, encouraging mixed-use development, prioritizing natural resource preservation and stormwater management, and thoughtful provision of public spaces. Mixed-use neighborhoods help address housing issues within the City and create an environment for thriving commerce while newly re-imagined green and public spaces promote viable, healthy neighborhoods for the City’s long-term.

About the Authors:

Jo Kwon is a second-year Ph.D. student in the Department of City and Regional Planning. She hopes to interweave various data sets and narratives of housing and communities with new digital technologies. With a background in Statistics and English Literature, she received her M.A. in Computational Media at Duke University. In her free time, she enjoys watching indie movies, and going to live performances.

Mariah Wozniak is a second-year master’s candidate in the Department of City and Regional Planning, specializing in land use and environmental planning. Her research interests include historic preservation, urban design, and the intersection of planning and public education provision. She received her undergraduate degree in Political Science and Public & Urban Affairs from Virginia Tech. She enjoys spending time at the beach, cooking, and admiring residential architecture.

Adams, C.1991. Philadelphia: Neighborhoods, Division, and Conflict in a Postindustrial City. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press.

Carmona, Matthew et al. 2003. Public Places – Urban Spaces Amsterdam: Elsevier.

Condon, Patrick M. 2010. Seven Rules for Sustainable Communities. Washington: Island Press.

Krier, Leon. July/August 1984. “Urban Components.” Architectural Design 54: 43-49.

Melanie Simmons, Kathy Baughmann McLeod, and Jason Hight, “Healthy Neighborhoods;” Jim Patchett and Tom Price “Stormwater Systems” in Douglas Farr, Sustainable Urbanism: Urban Design with Nature (Wiley & Sons, 2008): 148-150, 175-181.

“Philadelphia2035: Citywide Vision.” 2011. Philadelphia City Planning Commission. Philadelphia, PA. https://www.phila2035.org/citywide-vision.

Featured Image: Proposed Design Solution for Olde Richmond Waterfront District

From Brownfields to Goldfields

January 16, 2017 / odrozd

“Potential site contamination. Remediation required.”

This phrase strikes fear into the hearts of investors and developers looking to finance their next project. An already strenuous process of site evaluation, plan development, and investment soliciting grinds to a halt as developers question whether clean-up efforts and future liabilities are worth further investment of time and resources. It is usually at this point where developers opt for a lower risk route, continuing the site’s cyclical process of abandonment and untapped revitalization.

These sites, known as brownfields, are former industrial or commercial sites suspected of environmental contamination. Brownfields can include places like gas stations, dry cleaning operations, and chemical factories. They can be contaminated with anything from crude oil to lead, and a host of hazardous materials to the environment and human health that enter a site’s soil and groundwater. Over 450,000 brownfield sites are estimated to currently exist in the United States.

Brownfield site in Cambridge, MA. Photo Credit: Engineering at Cambridge.

In North Carolina, the Department of Environmental Quality (DEQ) offers incentives for developers to invest in brownfields. The DEQ creates ‘brownfield agreements’ with potential developers, allowing the state to negotiate clean up requirements for developers in exchange for granting ‘not to sue’ covenants to prospective developers. Sharon Eckard of DEQ noted a substantial rise in the number of brownfield agreement applications submitted; almost 90 brownfield agreement applications were submitted in 2015 compared to just 63 in 2014. North Carolina’s Brownfields Program also provides property tax incentives, granting five years of partial exclusion from taxes following the completion of state mandated improvements to brownfield conditions. While participating in the program may cost developers over $30,000, the amount saved over a five year period has proven to entice developers in the state, especially for large-scale commercial projects in downtown areas.

If a developer decides to partake in a brownfield redevelopment process, the site undergoes a Phase I Environmental Site Assessment to determine whether contaminants actually exist on the property. If no contaminants are found on the site, development may proceed. However, if the results of the Phase I assessment are inconclusive, a Phase II assessment would be required. While federal funding can be acquired for assessments, evaluation costs can be as high as $20,000. If contaminants are found during Phase II, remediation would be required in order to repurpose the land for uses suitable for humans. While the cost for remediation strategies varies, it is estimated that the average cost of brownfield remediation totals $600,000.

Despite the steep costs of remediations, redeveloped brownfield sites result in an average benefit value of almost $4 million. Many developers across North Carolina have taken advantage of the state’s Brownfield Program incentives. The redevelopment of the American Tobacco Campus in Durham currently serves as the embodiment of how brownfield redevelopment can reignite a city’s economy.

American Tobacco Campus. Photo Credit: Flickr Creative Commons.

Raleigh Union Station is a current brownfield redevelopment project occurring in western Raleigh. Union Station will be a multimodal transit station for Amtrak and the Southeast High Speed Rail Corridor (SEHSR) trains, and will be housed in an adaptive reuse of the Viaduct Building, a relic of the city’s industrial past. Once completed in 2018, Union Station will serve not only as a regional transportation hub for the state and the southeastern United States, but also as a civic hall for public events and commercial rental spaces. The alternative for this brownfield site would result in “no revenue for the city” as mentioned by Eckard. She has been involved in revitalizing many of the brownfield sites surrounding the new Union Station. The Contemporary Art Museum of Raleigh, which opened in 2011, and the Dillion, an ambitious seventeen-story mixed used project located at the site of the historic Dillon Supply Company, are both indicators of the untapped potential of brownfields in West Raleigh and other urban centers.

Model of Raleigh Union Station presented by John Gallagher. Photo Credit: Pasan Perera.

Though it serves as a tool in combating urban sprawl and economic decline, brownfield redevelopment continues to face an uphill battle. John Gallagher, a former partner of Cherokee Investment Partners, believes one of the major issues he faced when soliciting investors is the negative connotation surrounding brownfields. Rather than referring to these sites as ‘brownfield,’ Gallagher suggests using ‘goldfields’ to indicate an opportunity for growth in investment. This simple change in terminology is believed to make all the difference in swaying community opinions on brownfield redevelopment.

A word of caution from brownfield remediation relates to post-redevelopment results. Often times, remediation and redevelopment increase the property values of former brownfield sites and neighboring areas, which in many cases leads to gentrification and related socioeconomic issues. Northeast Central Durham, a historically African-American neighborhood, currently contains thirteen vacant brownfield sites. Though brownfield redevelopment in this neighborhood may prove to be lucrative, we must remember that the residents lived through the economic hardships embodied by the abandoned building and endured the health and environmental impacts. As planners, we must realize that as new life comes to abandoned sites, those who survived the adverse impacts of these sites must also be able to reap its benefits.

Featured Image: Exterior view of Raleigh Union Station’s main entrance. Photo Credit: NCDOT Communications.

About the Author: Pasan Perera is a first year Master’s student at UNC’s City and Regional Planning Department. He is a native of Carrboro, NC. His interests lie in brownfield remediation and redevelopment, and how these processes impact marginalized communities in the surrounding areas. Outside of school, Pasan enjoys boxing, Law & Order marathons, and frequenting food trucks in the Triangle area.

Photo Credit: PHP Barcelona Conference '15

Ravelejar: The Art of Neighborhood Branding (1/4)

September 30, 2015 / odrozd

Part 1: The Barcelona Model

Barcelona. To many, the name of this cultural capital conjures up images of beaches, ornate architecture, tapas, and wine. It is a city whose reputation precedes it. While its reputation can be, in part, attributed to the city’s world famous soccer team and representations in popular media¹, Barcelona’s ascent to global city status is also the result of innovative urban planning and design strategies. These strategies combine social policy, cultural production, and urban redevelopment in order to construct and manage a city brand. Often referred to as the “Barcelona Model”, the city has created a unique method for city branding that is now followed by city planners and designers worldwide².

Photo Credit: PHP Barcelona Conference ’15

The Barcelona Model emerged after dictator Francisco Franco’s death in 1975 and during the 1979 local democratic elections when the relationship between culture, governance, and urban transformation in Barcelona began to shift. In the years that followed, the city underwent massive urban redevelopment projects including the creation of new public spaces and the restoration of the waterfront area. First, the city created a new governance model that prioritized engagement with, and participation by, members of civil society³. By allowing citizens to influence decision making, the city not only encouraged an engaged political culture, but also an identity of “Barcelonity” that transcended socio-economic class and encouraged a sort of city-wide pride. Through this governance structure, the city addressed deficits in education, health services, and public spaces that were the unfortunate remnants of the Franco years⁴.

Photo Credit: Barcelona Through Contemprary Art Museums

Photo Credit: Barcelona Through Contemporary Art Museums

A major part of this identity construction involved the development of public spaces that promoted social cohesion and allowed for political participation. These urbanization projects, called “PERIs” (Planos especiales de reforma interior, or Special Plans for Interior Reform) were implemented at the neighborhood level as part of Barcelona’s Comprehensive Plan⁵. The city created a program to acquire old industrial land at low prices in Ciutat Vella (“Old Town”) and in working-class neighborhoods in order to build higher-quality public spaces and collective services.

When Barcelona was chosen by the Olympic committee to host the 1992 Games, the influx of national and regional public investment helped finance additional public works projects, such as the construction of the Olympic village, new sports facilities, and the immensely renovated waterfront⁶. In a sense, the Olympics provided an opportunity for Barcelona to present its shining achievements to the world: the transition from dictatorship to democracy and the parallel transition from city to cultural capital.

Photo Credit: Design Applause!

As is often the case for cities competing for an Olympic Bid, Barcelona generated both public and private investments in preparation for the 1994 Games. The city used the funds to renovate the cultural infrastructure of existing museums, particularly the iconic Gaudí architecture⁷. With the input of globally renowned architects, the Casa de Caritat project helped improve the city’s image and attracted tourism and investment dollars⁸. Richard Florida’s conception of the “creative class” policy agenda suggests that cities should develop a culture of openness and cosmopolitanism by way of small-scale music and performing arts venues, art galleries, and trendy nightclubs in order to attract workers in an emerging professional class. Anticipating this theory, Barcelona’s 1994 Strategic Plan for the City included not only the development of cultural institutions, festivals, and conferences, but also a stronger knowledge-based economy based in design and media arts.

While the revitalization of Barcelona has many supporters, it has also received criticism for its disparate impact on impoverished communities. For instance, Barcelona’s revitalization has led to the implementation of new public policies that focus on improving cultural amenities for the purpose of community development in marginalized areas⁹. However, critics of the knowledge-based economy model argue that, because of its emphasis on attracting creative class workers, the policy became increasingly fragmented, leading to a relaxation of planning regulations, a decrease in public participation, and a move towards a top down approach to large infrastructure and redevelopment projects¹⁰.

Nowhere has the effect of the Barcelona Model been so polemic as in El Raval, traditionally a working class neighborhood, that is now a gateway community for multiple immigrant groups from North Africa, South America, and Southeast Asia.

Photo Credit: Wikimedia Commons | Barcelona El Raval 060

As a result of Barcelona’s cultural urban revitalization, El Raval has experienced increased spatial segregation of demographic groups and social activities within the neighborhood. While some areas enjoy high income levels and a large concentration of new businesses, others are characterized by low-income immigrant communities and high unemployment. Social issues such as drug abuse and vast informal economic markets are prevalent within these communities – issues that have been inherited from Raval’s history as a working class area within the city of Barcelona.

While these issues have always been, and continue to be, characteristic to the area, perceptions of the Raval as a neighborhood of poverty and vice have been largely exaggerated. Historically, a mythology about the neighborhood was perpetuated by the political and economic elite in order to justify the city’s redevelopment efforts. Part two of this series will examine the neighborhood’s history, and unpack the pejorative discourse used to characterize and rebrand El Raval.

¹Most recently, Woody Allen’s highly successful Vicki Cristina Barcelona (2008) packaged the city and all of its exaggerated charm into a cinematic guided tour. More popular in the EU, L’Auberge Espagnol (2002) similarly portrayed Barcelona as cosmopolitan metropolis of debauchery.

²Evans, G. (2003). “HardBranding the Cultural City From Prado to Prada”, International Journal of Urban and Regional Studies, 27:2, pp 417440.

³Blakeley, G. (2010). “Governing Ourselves: Citizen Participation and Governance in Barcelona and Manchester”, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 34:1, pp 130145

⁴Degen, M. and Garcia, M. (2012). “The Transformation of the ‘Barcelona Model’: An Analysis of Culture, Urban Regeneration and Governance”, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 36:5, pp 102238

⁵For “Las Normativa Urbanística” of the Plan General Metropolitano de Barcelona, see http://www.numamb.cat/

⁶García, S. (1993). “Barcelona and the Olympic Games” in H. Hauuserman and W. Siebel (eds), Festivalization of urban policy, Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag

⁷Subiros, P. (1999). Estrategies culturals i renovacio urbana. Barcelona: Aula Barcelona

⁸Subirats, J. & Rius, J. (2008). Del Xino al Raval. Barcelona: Hacer Editorial

⁹Institut de Cultura de Barcelona (2006). Nous Accents 2006: Elements per una revisio del Plan Estrategic de Cultural de Barcelona. Barcelona: Institut de Cultura and ICC Consultors Culturals SA

¹⁰Degen, M. and Garcia, M. (2012). “The Transformation of the ‘Barcelona Model’: An Analysis of Culture, Urban Regeneration and Governance.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 36(5): pp 102238

About the Author: Brady Collins is a Doctoral Candidate at UCLA’s Department of Urban Planning, specializing in spatial justice and cultural planning. A strong believer in the power of ethnographic methods, his work not only aims to provide insight to urban planners and designers, but also community organizations and social movements. Brady is also a member of the Urban Humanities Initiative at UCLA, and thus draws from multiple disciplines in his work, including history, sociology, and architecture. His current research examines neighborhood branding in multi-ethnic, multi-racial urban areas.